Research Material

Public Health Expert Says Solving The Anthrax
Mailing Mystery May Be Easy:
FBI Doesn’t Seem Interested

Release: No. DITA-90
Date Mailed: Nov. 12, 2001
For Immediate Release

Sandpoint, ID —Cipro and smallpox vaccine have much in common besides capturing America’s urgent attention in recent weeks. The parent companies that produce these favored elixirs for anthrax and smallpox bioterrorism are linked, strangely enough, to an infamous history involving contaminated blood, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), and even the Nazis— associations that the FBI doesn’t seem anxious to explore.

Cipro is produced by Germany’s Bayer AG, while the smallpox vaccine’s newly formed producers are Acambis (previously OraVax), partnered with Baxter and Aventis—created in 1999 by parent companies Hoechst and Rhone-Poulenc. All have jaded histories.

The “Big Three”—Bayer, Baxter, and Rhone-Poulenc are infamously known for having infected more than 7,000 American hemophiliacs with the AIDS virus during the early 1980s. They admitted foreknowledge in selling HIV-tainted blood clotting products and settled the class action case for $100,000 per claimant.(1) (Hoechst & Rhone-Poulenc have merged under the name Aventis)

Bayer and Hoechst were formed following World War II from the “decartelization” of Germany’s leading industrial organization and Nazi economic engine—I.G. Farben. The CIA immediately took over their vacated corporate headquarters which had curiously escaped allied bombings. Historians explain that the Farben complex had been protected by officials of John D. Rockefeller’s Standard Oil Company—half owner of the Farben cartel. Many believe that Rockefeller lawyer and Standard Oil business manager, Allen Dulles, the CIA’s first director, military-command-protected Farben headquarters from allied bombings. In the current age when past CIA Director James Woolsey lectures on “industrial espionage” as a primary function of the modern intelligence organization, this history may have contemporary ramifications.

Soon after the CIA formed, Bayer and Hoechst were reorganized in 1951 under the direction of the Allied High Commission, largely influenced by U.S. High Commissioner John J. McCloy—a lawyer and banker from Philadelphia, with intimate ties to Rockefeller banking and oil interests. After “decartelization,” the I.G. Farben plants, including all the labor camps involved in the mostly Jewish genocide, were consolidated into three main holding companies: Bayer, Hoechst, and BASF for the benefit of all the stockholders.

Hermann Schmitz, president of Bayer A.G and I.G. Farben during WWII, who also largely directed the Deutsche Bank, “held as much stock in Standard Oil of New Jersey as did the Rockefellers,” according to former CBS News war correspondent Paul Manning. Acknowledging CIA director Dulles for his information, Manning reported that on August 10, 1944, the Rockefeller-Farben partners moved their “flight capital” through affiliated German/French, American, British and Swiss banks “for the new Germany.” This secured “the sophisticated distribution of national and corporate assets to safe havens” thoughout the world, and assured the continuation and further development of the “Neuordnung” (new order) for both the global petrochemical pharmaceutical industry and banking cartels.(2)

Given this generally unknown history, is it surprising that the Secretary of the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), Tommy Thompson, and other Bush cabinet members have been meeting secretly (that is, illegally) with officials of the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America (PhRMA) to develop plans for their Emergency Preparedness Task Force? The group is said to be preparing enough drugs and vaccines to protect every American against the threats of anthrax and smallpox. PhRMA task force officials, directed by Aventis executive Richard Markham, and representing a number of other Farben progeny and beneficiaries including American Home Products, Abbott Laboratories, Merck, Pfizer, and more, according to the New York Times (Nov. 4, 2001), have been meeting regularly with Bush Cabinet members. According to Dr. Sidney M. Wolfe, a director at Ralph Nader’s public Citizen Health Research Group, the meetings violate a federal law for transparency of decision-making committees.(3)

Apparent illegalities did not deter Secretary Thompson from ordering more than $100 million worth of Cipro from Bayer at the “bargain price” of $.90 per tablet, when other companies offered equally effective and lower risk substitutes for a few pennies each, and then for free. On October 25, 2001, the health czar also asked Congress for another $500 million to produce enough of Acambis’s smallpox vaccine “so every American will be assured there is a dose with his or her name on it if it is needed,” even though CDC officials admit that people already vaccinated probably shouldn’t take it, and the new remedy will require extensive testing.(4,5)

Meanwhile, Acambis’s sudden inexplicable evolution in recent months from OraVax corporation has some conspiracy theorists wondering.(6) The OraVax firm had been likewise linked to shady backroom dealings with Clinton administration officials in 1998 regarding government orders for a yet to be tested West Nile Virus vaccine. Dr. Leonard Horowitz, a Public health consumer advocate and author of Death in the Air: Globalism, Terrorism and Toxic Warfare, published months before the 9-11 terrorist attacks, explains that the West Nile virus vaccine deal evolved from a stealth meeting between Dr. Thomas Monath, the Vice President of OraVax (now Acambis), President Clinton, Janet Reno, CIA Director John Deutsch, and American Type Culture Collection (ATCC) curator Dr. Joshua Lederberg, a former Rockefeller University President and Council on Foreign Relations bioterrorism study group leader. (7)

What concerns Dr. Horowitz most is not that a business deal was struck, albeit illegally, but that Dr. Lederberg had falsely assured the American public that no biological weapons were used during the Gulf War despite his knowledge that the ATCC, under his watch, sent nineteen shipments of various strains of anthrax suitable for weapons production to Sadam Hussein in the years leading up to Desert Storm. The U.S. Congress’s Don Reigle hearings concerning Gulf War syndrome exposed this fact about ATCC, as well as their shipments of many other biological weapons including the West Nile Virus to Iraq that CDC officials witnessed.(8)

“We have a very close working relationship with many of the federal agencies, including the FBI,” said Nancy Wysocki, a vice president at the ATCC, during a recent New York Times interview (November 9, 2001).(9)

“That’s not particularly reassuring,” Dr. Horowitz said in response to Ms. Wysocki’s statement. “But it may explain why even after hand delivering an urgent request to the F.B.I. to investigate these devil-doers for possible industrial espionage in the anthrax mailings, they never even had the courtesy to respond to my repeated requests.”

In fact, Dr. Horowitz first hand delivered a memo to his regional F.B.I. office on October 1, 2001, almost two weeks before the first anthrax letter was sent from Trenton, New Jersey to the American media building in Boca Raton, Florida. His action was prompted by reading, The Final Report—the Oklahoma City bombing grand jury investigation commissioned study by then State Representative Charles Key. It stated that German-based neo-Nazi’s were known to have “masterminded” both airline hijackings and U.S. military installation bombings by the PLO. This matched what the F.B.I. had reported, and reinforced the German connection to what was obviously a Cipro sales “scam” reported by the Washington Times.(4)

The F.B.I. also reported that the silica-mixed anthrax powder required expensive equipment, as well as a bioweapons savvy microbiologist, to produce. They had ruled out Islamic terrorist groups, but not “state-sponsored” crimes. This likewise suggested to Dr. Horowitz a “white collar gang” was behind this crime.(9)

Then the New York Times (November 11, 2001) reported that F.B.I. agents were denied access to “some pharmaceutical companies in New Jersey.” These ill-defined companies demanded “agents to present a subpoena before they would grant access to their files.”(9) Dr. Horowitz found this additionally suspicious, if not seriously incriminating, especially since Aventis, his primary suspect, had two plants within forty-five minutes drive from Trenton.

“I should think that any company with nothing to hide would welcome the bureau’s inquiry especially at this time of dire national urgency,” Dr. Horowitz said. To him the drug firms’ response “exhibited a Gestapo-like attitude.”

“So after calling the F.B.I. in Miami and getting nowhere, I even called their 1-800-CRIMETV number,” Dr. Horowitz said. After getting disconnected and then, on his third attempt, put on hold for about ten minutes, the Harvard- trained public health investigator discussed his evidence with a female F.B.I. agent. “Someone will get back with you,” she told him. No one ever did.

“I’ve asked the F.B.I. to thoroughly investigate the possibility of industrial espionage being perpetrated by Bayer corporate officials as well as possibly Dr. Thomas Monath, the Vice President of OraVax/Acambis and affiliated officials at Aventis. I’ve also urged an inquiry into ATCC curator Dr. Joshua Lederberg, and the financial interests he represents, including Rockefeller pharmaceutical and banking interests,” Dr. Horowitz said.

The trouble is, as Dr. Horowitz admits, this level of investigation may be impossible for the F.B.I. to adequately conduct. When it may implicate financial forces of this magnitude, and even possibly expose CIA undertakings, the bureau may be politically ill-equipped to handle the challenge.

“That’s probably why I’ve been getting nowhere in my efforts to direct the F.B.I. where I believe the evidence is suggesting they go,” Dr. Horowitz concluded.

See Also:

1) Massie RK. Blood feud: A mother takes the hemophilia tragedy to court. The New Yorker. June 16, 1997, p. 98.

2) Manning P. Martin Bormann: Nazi in Exile. Secaucus, NJ: Lyle Stuart, 1981, pp. 29, 56, 69, 116-17; 134-35.

3) Wolfe SM. Letter to HHS Secretary on Pharmaceutical Research & Manufacturers of America Emergency Preparedness Task Force (HRG Publication #1600). Public Citizen. Available at

4) O’Meara KP. Investigative Report: Government ripoff on the Cipro deal. Washington Times, Insight Magazine, Nov. 26, 2001. Available at include=detail&storyid=138294.

5) Charlotte D. Rules relaxed in rush for a new smallpox vaccine. The Guardian, Thursday, Oct. 25, 2001.

6) See:

7) Horowitz LG. Death in the Air: Globalism, Terrorism and Toxic Warfare. Tetrahedron Publishing Group, 2001, pp. 105-109.

8) U.S. Senate, 103rd Congress, 2d Session. U.S. Chemical and Biological Warfare-related Dual Use Exports to Iraq and Their Possible Impact on the Health Consequences of the Persian Gulf War: A Report of Chairman Donald W. Riegle, Jr., et. al. May 25, 1994, pp. 39-47.

9) Broad WJ, Johnston D, Miller J and Zielbauer P. Experts see F.B.I. missteps hampering anthrax inquiry. New York Times, Nov. 9, 2001. Available at todaysheadlines.

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