Unauthorized Biography of George Bush - HiddenMysteries.org

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George Bush:
The Unauthorized Biography ~ ONLINE!

by Webster G. Tarpley & Anton Chaitkin

Chapter 25b ~ The Catastrophe: Bush's Second Term...

Bush kicked off the all-important money-gathering aspect of his re-election campaign with a Halloween fund-raiser in Houston attended by Barbara Bush, Dan Qualye, Marilyn Quayle, with a room full of fat cats. Before leaving Washington that same day, he had told GOP Congressional leaders of his great concern for the unemployed; he had just vetoed two successive bills to extend unemployment benefit payments, and the Democrats in Congress were fixing to send him a third, to see if he would veto that one, too: the unemployment issue was beginning to hurt Bush badly. With his usual shameless hypocritical aplomb, Bush whined that it was time to stop playing politics with such an important issue. In Houston, Bush talked about his experiences in the "I Like Ike" years of 1952 and 1956, and then attacked the Democratic Congress for meddling. In a hyperthryroid burst of splee, Bush told the assembled plutocrats that Gen. Schwarzkopf would never have gotten anywhere if he had had to deal with "those carpers" on the Hill; if Congress had been in control, Saddam would still be in Kuwait.

Bush was flailing; his tracking polls were showing him that he had no monpoly on rage, but that much of the American population was now enraged with the silk stocking blueblood who would not extend their wretched unemployment benefits for twenty lousy weeks or less. Bush needed a theme; some other theme than economics. Was he toying with the "Give 'em hell strategy developed by Clark Clifford for Harry Truman for his desperate 1948 election bid, which Truman turned into an assault on the "do-nothing" Congress? If so, it was not a good bet. Truman had managed to personify the scrappy and peppery underdog, calling his opponent Dewey a fascist and comparing him with Hitler. Truman had charged that the Republicans had "stuck a pitchfork in the farmer's back." "The Republicans, Truman had said, sought "to nail the American consumer to the wall with spikes of greed." Bush would have a hard time delivering lines like these without evoking gales of laughter. All Bush would be able to muster would be his patrician-hyperthryroid irascibility, and that has been much overdone. The voters might well conclude that Bush was attacking them, and repay him with their own implacable emnity.


Today we have begun to crawl. James Baker at the Madrid conference on the Middle East, October 30, 1991.

...I will do what I have to do to be reelected. George Bush to David Frost, December 23, 1991

It is our duty in concluding this book to venture a number of forecasts concerning how Bush intends to conquer a second term as president, and what policies he might pursue if re-elected. Because of the inherent role of free will in human affairs, it is seldom possible to make accurate and detailed predictions of what individuals or entire political formations might do over a period of time. It is even more difficult to see into the future in a time of great historical upheavals, as in these closing years of the twentieth century. The denser the historical singularities are packed ahead of us, the more uncertain is our view down the road. What we can reasonably hope to do is to exclude certain possibilities, and to identify a range of other possibilities which are likely to occur. We can also distinguish between what George Bush may intend, and how reality is likely to diverge from those intentions.

Because of the mentality of Bush as an individual, and because of the shared implicit philosophical world outlook of the social formation which he represents (the Eastern Anglophile Liberal Establishment), we can readily postulate that there could be no economic recovery from the current depression during a second Bush administration, but only an exponential exacerbation of the present trends towards austerity, misery, unemployment, the decline of living standards, and the primacy of usury and looting throughout the economy. What else could be expected from a Bush campaign staffed by such corsairs as Robert Mosbacher and James Baker?

Similarly, we can identify Bush's compulsive urge to cement his hold on the White House through police-state methods. To see that Bush hopes to survive 1992 thanks to a hyperinflationary surge of easy money and lower interest rates that will provide a coup de grace for the agonizing dollar, we need only read Secretary Brady's press releases. And, after two October-November crises centering on the domestic economic collapse which Bush neutralized politically through foreign aggression and adventurism, we will need no crystal ball to identify the impulse towards crushing yet another developing country in the name of the fascist New World Order. Whether Bush can realize these obsessions is, of course, another matter.

Finally, the awesome dimensions of the current economic depression, extrapolated into the period 1993-1997, will dictate a type of concentration camp economics which will in turn necessitate the abandonment of the present empty husk of constitutional legality in favor of rule by decree and an openly totalitarian state. We will examine the preparations Bush has already made for dictatorship.

We recall that it was in April, 1987, that the Donna Rice incident precipitated the collapse of the Gary Hart campaign, which until that time had been the rival effort from which George Bush had the most to fear. What a coincidence therefore that in April, 1991, again in the springtime before the presidential election year, that a hecatomb of George's enemies began and continued into the summer.

One classic case was the William Kennedy Smith affair. During February and March of 1991, Washington heard rumors that Senator Edward Kennedy had embarked upon a weight reduction plan involving a rigorous liquid diet, and that he was beginning to shed dozens of pounds with the perspective of testing the waters for a presidential bid. Unfortunately for Senator Kennedy, his profile as a womanizer was as pronounced as Gary Hart's, and south Florida pulchritude was again destined to highlight this tragic flaw. While Senator Kennedy was visiting the Kennedy family compound in Palm Beach, Florida during the Easter weekend, a series of events took place which led to the filing of a charge of sexual battery, the Florida term for rape, against the senator's nephew, William Kennedy Smith. The resulting protracted scandal effectively scuttled any presidential ambitions that Senator Kennedy might have had; even his senate seat was now in danger.

The alleged victim in this case was named by NBC televisions news and The New York Times as Patricia Bowman of Jupiter, Florida, the locality with which the Bush family has had such a long association. Patricia Bowman is also known in the Jupiter-Palm Beach area as Patricia O'Neil after her stepfather, Michael G. O'Neil, also of Jupiter. [fn 1] Michael G. O'Neil is the former chairman of the General Tire and Rubber Company, a firm traditionally controlled by the O'Neil family. He is also the former chairman of Aerojet General Corporation, a General Tire subsidiary. Aerojet General is a leader manufacturer of rockets and missles. Patricia Bowman's mother had been employed by the McNeil Corporation of Akron, Ohio, a General Tire supplier, before marrying Mr. O'Neil.

Mr. O'Neil's career was seriously threatened during the 1970's when he became embroiled in a potentially disastrous bribery case, similar in some ways to the Lockheed scandal. On May 10, 1976, the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) brought charges against his company, alleging it had made illegal political contributions, bribed foreign government officials, broekn currency laws and falsified financial reports by neglecting to report illegal slush funds. [fn 2] The alleged foreign bribes involved an attempt to get the compnay off the list of firms boycotted by Arab nations because of their dealings with Israel, a matter of intense interest to the Israeli Mossad and the Anglo-American intelligence agencies.

At the time Mr. O'Neil's problems arose, George Bush was the Director of the CIA. At that time, the director of enforcement at the SEC was a certain Stanley Sporkin, an extremely close political ally of the former SEC chairman, William Casey. Later, in 1981, when Sporkin's mentor William Casey would become the CIA Director, and while George Bush was vice president and co-director of all covert operations, Sporkin was named by Casey to be the General Counsel to the CIA. In those days, Bush, Casey, and Sporkin were something of a troika in the intelligence community.

As it turned out, Michael O'Neill's career was not wrecked by the Arab boycott list scandal; he did not go to prison; he did not lose his job. Mr. O'Neil's troubles with the law ended through a deal with Sporkin and the SEC. O'Neil stayed on as General Tire's chief executive, and he was not prosecuted. On October 26, 1977 General Tire announced that O'Neil would pay the company $257,400 over three years as a partial reimbursement for illegal corporate contributions made to US political campaigns between 1968 and 1972 through the secret political slush fund which O'Neil had maintained since 1965. [fn 3]

According to press accounts, Ms. Bowman met Senator Kennedy, his son Patrick, and his nephew William Kennedy Smith at Au Bar, the most chic watering hole in the Palm Beach area this season; she left with William Kennedy Smith during the early morning hours of March 30. Accounts of the events of that evening are in conflict, but at some point Ms. Bowman appears to have been joined by her friend Anne Mercer and Miss Mercer's boyfriend, Chuck Desiderio. Chuck Desiderio was charged in 1979 with larceny in a case involving the theft of auto parts. Anne Mercer's father, Leonard Mercer, served 9 months in jail during 1989 after being convicted of fraud and perjury in a case involving the use of money from a Teamsters' union pension fund. Mr. Mercer used funds to buy a bar and restaurant called Ta-Boo. Anne Mercer's sister, Susan Mercer, is said to have a home just a few hundred feet away from the Kennedy compound in Palm Beach.

All of these details provide a fascinating prologue for the William Kennedy Smith case, and raise obvious questions about the relations of Mr. O'Neil and his family with such figures as Sporkin, Casey, and Bush, to name just a few. Mr. O'Neil is a resident of the Loxahatchee Club of Jupiter, described by The New York Times as an "exclusive walled community built around a lush, palm-lined golf course and small lakes" where "a uniformed guard at a gate-house screens all visitors." [fn 4] The Jupiter-Hobe Sound area, as we have seen, is a residential and vacation area favored by executives of security-minded defense corporations since the days when Averell Harriman, Robert Lovett, and Prescott Bush had homes there.

Gary Hart and Ted Kennedy might agree that presidential aspirants ought to stay out of south Florida. Jimmy Carter might agree. On Monday, June 17, 1991 the former president was doing charity work in the Liberty City neighborhood of Miami. Carter regularly works as a carpenter for Habitat for Humanity, one of his favorite charities, which reconditions slum dwellings in order to provide low-cost housing for the economically disadvantaged. Shortly after mid-day, several shots were fired from two cars which drove through the street adjacent to the houses where Carter was working. One of Carter's co-workers received a superficial head-wound. This incident came at a time when Carter was reported to be marshalling his forces for a possible attempt at the presidency, a personal vindication which Carter has never renounced.

Ther Bushmen had been alarmed by an interview Carter had just given to the Village Voice of May 21 on the issue of the 1980 October surprise. Here Carter had speculated about a mole in the White House who had leaked information about Carter's own dealings with the Iranian regime, with the implication that this mole had helped to prolong the captivity of the hostages and contributed to Carter's defeat in the 1980 election. "I'm not prepared to name names," Carter had told Robert Morris, "but there were some-- there was one particular, key member of my National Security Council who stayed on and worked full-time for Vice-President Bush." Did Carter have in mind the man who "happens to be the current ambassador to South Korea?" asked Morris. "That's correct," replied Carter. [fn 5] These remarks by Carter, together with articles and an upcoming book by Gary Sick, had added to the clamor for a formal investigation of the October surprise by Congressional committees with subpoena power. At the same time, the Washington rumor mill reported that perjury indictments were imminent against Gregg for his blatant perjury in the context of the Iran-contra investigations.

Rumor also had it that Carter's intended running-mate was Virginia Governor Douglas Wilder. But the spring of 1991 also brought scandal to Wilder. He became embroiled in an ancrimonious public feud with his fellow Demoract, Virginia Senator Charles Robb. The issue was a transcript of a telephone conversation by Wilder from the cellular telephone of his limousine which had turned up in Robb's office. This led to the empaneling of a federal grand jury to investigate electronic eavesdropping against Wilder, with Robb being called to testify. The uncorking of this scandal can be attributed to a Republican political operative and campaign provocateur. The damage to Wilder was serious, but the damage to Robb was devastating. Robb also had to contend with charges of cocaine use. In September, Tai Collins, a lingerie model who had won the Miss Virginia beauty contest, appeared in a seven page spread in Playboy magazine entitled "The Woman Senator Charles Robb Couldn't Resist," and went on a nationwide tour to publicize her story that she had an 18-month affair with Robb during 1983-84. Robb's response was the most that he had received was a back massage. As former governor of Virginia, chairman of the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, fund-raising powerhouse and husband of the late Lyndon B. Johnson's daughter Lynda Bird, Robb was an central figure of the Anti-Defamation League-Democratic party establishment. He had strongly supported the genocide of the Gulf war.

It was also during this season that Supreme Court Justice Thurgood Marshall and House Democratic Whip William Gray, the highest black officers of the judicial and legislative branches of government, resigned their posts. Attorney General Richard Thornburgh had announced an investigation of Gray just before the November, 1988 elections, and the FBI had been probing the Bright Hope Baptist Church in Philadelphia where Gray is a minister. According to a well-informed source, Gray's departure was the CIA-Bush exemplary punishment of the Congressional Black Caucus, which had been a center of resistance to the Gulf war policy.

Bush also had every intention of keeping his principled political adversary Lyndon LaRouche in federal prison through the 1992 elections and beyond; Bush continued to refuse to release thousands of pages of exculpatory evidence in the form of government documents bearing on LaRouche's case.

During November, 1991, Bush was frequently compared to Herbert Hoover. The comparison came from the usually meek Democratic Senate Majority leader, Senator Mitchell. Senator Harkin of Iowa, a darling of the Zionist lobby, called Bush "the Herbert Hoover of the 1990's." A Herblock cartoon showed Bush standing by a line of unemployed holding a sign reading "Recovery Is Just Around the Corner," while the ghost of Herbert Hoover looked on and a middle-class jobless man in a business suit asked, "George Herbert Who?; Bush?" George was indeed being Hooverized.

This meant that economics was Bush's leading political problem. Under these circumstances, his approach to economic management would reflect the understanding by Bush and his inner circle of how to pump up the econonmy during a presidential election year. According to the received wisdom of Bush and his milieu, pumping up the economy was what Eisenhower neglected to do for Nixon in 1960, destroying the latter's hopes of winning the election. Let us not forget Bush's Nixonian pedigree. Bush would also recall how the depressed 1976 economy facilitated the Carter takeover.

Bush would thus recall what Nixon is believed in these circles to have done during 1971-72: these were the years in which Nixon became a professed advocate of Keynesian pump-priming, flooding the system with liquidity and government contracts to create an electoral updraft for 1972. In conformity with this profile, Bush and Brady have been urging the Federal Reserve to lower interest rates for most of 1990-91. The Fed has responded with 5 cuts of the discount rate during 1991, lowering it from 7% to 4.5% The federal funds rate dropped from 8.25% in July 1990 to about 4.75 in the late autumn of 1991. According to Brady, who cannot seem to talk interest rates down fast enough, such cuts "will provide stimulus for economic growth, spur incentive for business investment, and increase consumer confidence." [fn 6] By bringing the Fed's interest rates back to the levels that prevailed under Nixon 19 years ago, Bush imagines that he will enjoy the same political dividends collected in 1972 by Tricky Dick.

But Bush and Brady are ignoring how much times have changed. Nixon inherited a US economy that was still near the peak of its postwar powers, and this provided him with a multiplicity of options which have long since ceased to exist. Bush's problem today is reflected in the fact that a drop in shot-term interest rates of 3.5% engineered by the Fed has translated into a decrease in a mere one percent or even less in interest rates for unsecured personal bank loans. Bush has complained that all the Fed's interest rate cuts have failed to make credit any easier, and has failed to balloon the money supply in the way Bush desires. The reason for the difficulty is that the banking system is bankrupt several times over. The cheaper credit offered by the Fed is totally consumed by the banks themselves, which are seeking to conceal the extent of their insolvency for as long as possible. The US banking system now resembles the legendary black holes of outer space: credit entering them from the government side will never re-emerge on the side of business and production, assuming there were any of the latter left to finance. In the late autumn of 1972, this black hole appeared capable of fagocitating all the credit the Fed could generate, while the banks remained bankrupt as before.

This left Bush with his preferred option, a new foreign war. Advisers have been telling him that the way to deal with the economy is to "Desert-Storm it"; Bush is inclined to take that advice literally. We have seen how the market crashes of September-October 1989 generated the impulse to invade Panama, and how the national bankruptcy of October 1990 confirmed Bush's intent to wage war in the Gulf. Since the bombing of Iraq, governments all of the developing sector have been asking who will be the next target of the insane Bush regime when the US economy takes its next sickening lurch into depression. Bush's deception operations and real vacillation keep the constellation of possible targets in constant flux, but a number of prime candidates can be identified.

NORTH KOREA. Harbingers of a looming confrontation with North Korea became unmistakable during October, precisely timed with the growing popular awareness of depression and Bush's renewed free fall in the public opinion polls. During November, 1991 Bush sent both Secretary of State James Baker and Secretary of Defense Dick Cheney to the Far East, with featured stopevers in South Korea. The central issue hyped during each of these tours was US allegations of a North Korean program to produce weapons grade plutonium for nuclear weapons. In the wake of Bush's attack on Iraq, the South Korean defense minister had twice issued threats of military action to wipe out the alleged North Korean facilities. Baker ranted that North Korea's supposed plan to acquire nuclear weapons within two to five years was the biggest threat to the security of Asia, and that all states in the region, including the USSR, Japan, and China must unite in pressuring North Korea to desist, and open its facilities for international inspectors on fishing expeditions of the type seen during 1991 in Iraq.

This issue, said Baker, was far too important to be left to the Koreans. Kuwait, we recall, was also too important to be left to the Arabs. Under the technological apartheid sponsored by the Bush regime, nuclear energy of any sort, no matter how peaceful, is defined as a dual-use technology, and is therefore automatically to be proscribed. When Cheney got to Seoul, he announced that the planned reductions in US forces stationed in South Korea had been cancelled because of the supposed North Korean threat. Officials travelling in the entourage of Cheney and Powell issued ominous warnings that North Korea's "nuclear arms program must be stopped in advance without fail." From the Cheney-Powell retinue came the word that diplomatic and economic sacntions, rather than bombing raids, were the preferred options to force Pyongyang to submit. Sound familiar?

A North Korean adventure possesses powerful attractions for Bush. He has already waged two wars, and popular sensibilities at home have become correspondingly jaded. Some are even being to see through his demagogic game. For a true policy of terror and Schrecklichkeit, something more dramatic than a "standard" war is needed. The obvious way to escalate is to make nuclear weapons and nuclear terror the central thematic issue of the confrontation from the very beginning. During the Gulf crisis, Scowcroft, Quayle and others reflected the Bush regime's common belief that nuclear proliferation was its most powerful argument. A clash with North Korea would be the perfect occasion to play this card once again.

In the Asian regional setting, Bush is interested in preventing or at least delaying the peaceful re-unification of North and South Korea, which might occur through the collapse of the North Korea regime in the wake of Kim Il Sung's exit from the scene. Remember that Bush's loyal retainer Don Gregg is on the scene in Seoul. From Bush's point of view, if Korea is to be re-united, let it be in the wake of a war on the Korean peninsula in which the north, and perhaps also the south, has been flattened. Such a confrontation would also be an ideal means for intimidating Japan and imposing on that country a new period of subservience to the dictates of Anglo-American finance and the New World Order. China and the USSR (or, RSFSR) could also be throughly humiliated.

CUBA. A textual analysis of Bush's speeches and public remarks during 1991 leaves no doubt about his compulsive obsession with overthrowing Fidel Castro. As we have seen, this obsession is deeply rooted within his personal history, and is amplified by the demands of his institutional network. Human rights violations in Cuba were one of the key points in Bush's September 23 speech to the United Nations General Assembly. Here Cuba was cited as a prime example of the communist dictatorships about to be swept away by the revival of history. In all of Bush's meetings with Gorbachov, as well as with Yeltsin, Bush has demanded that Moscow's economic assistance to Cuba be cut off, a demand that has been largely fulfilled by the force majeure of the collapsing Soviet economy. Bush has used the American propaganda organ Radio Marti to broadcast appeals for free elections and other reforms into the island. On August 27 in Kennebunkport, Bush gloated over the collapse of communism and the grim future ahead for communists everywhere. "There must be one of them really sweating now in Cuba," Bush raved.

No one should be deluded that George Bush, the defender of world communism, seriously intends to free Cuba of its present tyranny. There are indications that what Bush has in mind for Cuba is a Romanian solution, in which the spectacular liquidation of Castro is to be followed by a neo-communist regime run by the Cuban equivalents of Petre Roman and Ion Iliescu, the duo that took over after the execution of Ceausescu and his wife. The principle of oligarchical rule of Cuban society would remain unaltered. This regime would then re-open Meyer Lansky's old gambling casinos and brothels, and surpass even Poland in the application of the Jeffrey Sachs economic shock therapy. The net result would be a falling standard of living for most Cubans.

There is no doubt that this Cuban project is very high on Bush's list of priorities. If anything, the psychological impact of the fall of Castro has been pre-discounted by Bush's frequent signals. If Castro is toppled by a palace coup, that would provide a few brief moments of elation for US public opinion, but hardly enough to captivate those waiting in long lines for their unemployment benefits. If Bush orders a US invasion of Cuba in support of embattled freedom fighters, that would generate more excitement. If, in the course of such hostilities, pro-Castro communist diehards were to let fly with Scud missles or some such at Miami or cities along the US Gulf coast, Bush's dramaturgical possibilities would be correspondingly greater.

The obsession with Cuba is so deeply ingrained in Bush's personality that an attempt to overthrow Castro, most likely timed as an October surprise for 1992, is almost inevitable. But with the public already thoroughly cynical about Bush's foreign adventurism, only one of the worst case scenarios for the Cuban gambit appears likely to generate sufficient terror and chauvinism to consolidate support for Bush.

IRAQ. When Bush ordered Schwarzkopf's army to halt its march into southern Iraq, he probably believed that Saddam Hussein could be ousted by the combined insurrections of the Kurds and the pro-Iranian Shiites. Later, Bush may have hoped that an Israeli Entebbe-style raid would spare him the profound embarrassment of Saddam Hussein's further tenure in office. As noted, Bush has obliquely threatened to renew the bombing of Iraq on a number of occasions after the formal end of Gulf hostilities. Using the services of UN inspector cum agent provocateur David Kay, Bush could of course manufacture a new confrontation with Iraq at the drop of a hat, using allegations of Iraq's actual or imminent possession of nuclear weapons. But, as Bush is doubtless aware, a renewed bombing spree against Iraq may create more public relations problems than it solves, since it calls attention to Bush's very incomplete fulfillment of his own stated goal of removing Saddam Hussein from power during the Gulf war. By contrast, if Bush could eliminate Saddam Hussein through bombings or commando operations, he might derive a rather ephemeral benefit from the exercise. An attempt by Bush to settle accounts with Saddam is therefore a prominent option for an October surprise, but might prove insufficient by itself to save Bush the election.

INDIA-PAKISTAN. Bush knows the Indo-Pakistani war gambit well from his background as Kissinger's speaking tube in December, 1971. The British side of the Anglo-American intelligence combination are experts in using subversion, agents of influence, assassination, manipulation, communal violence, and black propaganda to play India against Pakistan. Now that Moscow is no longer likely to align with India, certain circles in London may judge that the time has come to accelerate the further subdivision and partition of the sub-continent. The assassination of Rajiv Gandhi before he could assume the office of Prime Minister was a giant step in that direction.

The Anglo-American game plan might include intervention on the side of Pakistan in the context of an Indo-Pakistani war, letting the Pakistani ground troops bear the brunt of the ground action while Anglo-American air and naval forces bombed and blockaded India back into the stone age. An international scandal was created shortly after the close of the Gulf war when a Washington think-tanker blurted out to an audience of of journalists and diplomats that the US Government had prepared a plan for duplicating Operation Desert Storm against India. In such a confrontation, Bush could point to India's nuclear weapons capability, and the actual use of nuclear weapons could not be ruled out. The obvious possibilities for nuclear terror and the colossal scale of the fighting that might result, including possible Chinese intervention across the Himalayas, give the Indo-Pakistani gambit undeniable appeal to Bush. Since this might turn into a prolonged war, it would also tend to provide pretexts for the further institutionalization of emergency rule at home.

BRAZIL. Since the destruction of Brazilian sovereignty over the Amazon River basin is a leading preoccupation of the London oligarchy, this is necessarily a priority consideration for Bush. With world-wide Malthusian hysteria focused on the UN's ECO '92 conference to be held in Brazil, the ecological fanatics of the New World Order are raising the demand that the Amazon region be placed under international environmentalist trusteeship so as to preserve the rain forest. This is a favorite theme of Britain's demented princes, Charles and Philip. The political and logistical difficulties of an armed confrontation are obvious enough, but this operation would possess the absolute novelty of marketability as an international police action in the name of saving the planet from the rapacity of the nation state and its associated business interests. /P>

MALAYSIA. The government of Dr. Mahatir Mohammed has long been a thorn in the flesh of the Anglo-Americans because of its vigorous rejection of Malthusian doctrine and its committment to demographic and industrial growth. Recently Dr. Mahatir advanced the proposal of an Asia economic community that would include Japan but exclude the United States and Canada. This was seen as an immediate casus belli by the State Department, which in the meantime has coerced Japan into rejecting the idea. More recently, Malaysia has been seeking to procure relatively advanced weaponry of Soviet manufacture, eliciting the inevitable hue and cry of the Anglo-Americans. Anglo-American propaganda is now developing the theme that expert nuclear scientists from the Soviet Union and the other former Warsaw Pact states are now hiring themselves out as mercenaries to unscrupulous and aggressive third world regimes, posing the incalculable danger of nuclear proliferation. Here is a made-to-order way of picking a fight with any third world nation seeking the benefits of peaceful nuclear energy.

EASTERN EUROPE AND THE FORMER USSR. A symposium of the Council on Foreign Relations held in the autumn of 1990 analyzed the ongoing breakup of the Soviet Union and speculated on the possible introduction of US military forces into what is today Soviet territory. [fn 7] One possible rationale cited for such an incursion would be a failure of the Soviet central government to maintain control over Moscow's strategic nuclear forces, with the attendant risk of many-sided proliferation. Another scenario foresaw a possible civil war in the Russian republic and/or the Ukraine, pitting "red fascists" against democratic forces, and possibly spreading beyond the borders of the former USSR. Still another variant would see US forces intervening to protect "western-linked ethnic groups" such as Jews or Armenians from massacres. The requirements for such an "Operation Steppe Storm" are now under study. From the point of view of Bush's immediate political needs, the problem with these scenarios are that they tend to be determined by the evolution of the Soviet internal crisis, and are therefore difficult to time.

This list of possible targets cannot be complete, since there are groups of arrogant, vicious yuppies in business suits not just in the White House, but throughout the executive departments and agencies, who are developing new variations on these themes every day. The general idea should be clear. The risks inherent in all of these options ought to obvious enough, but they are perhaps less obvious to Bush, who has been remarkably lucky in his first two adventures.

LIBYA. In late November, 1991, ***** Barr, Bush's newly installed Attorney General, announced indictments of certain individuals identified by the Justice Department as agents of the Libyan intelligence services on charges of having masterminded the bombing of Pan America flight 103 in the skies above Lockerbie, Scotland, on December 21, 1988. These indictments continued a process of blatant political manipulation of the Lockerbie tragedy, in which 270 persons lost their lives, including some important figures of the US intelligence community. For reasons which are set forth in detail elsewhere [fn 8], any explanation of the Lockerbie massacre which does not prominently establish the responsibility of the governments of Syria and Iran can only be considered a political whitewash. The Bush administration has consistently carried out such a whitewash, covering up for such guilty parties as Ahmed Jibril, Hafez Qassen Dalkamoni, President Hafez Assad of Syria, and Iranian President Hashemi Rafsanjani. Bush is obviously committed to covering up for such malefactors as Assad and Rafsanjani so as not to jeopardize Anglo-American geopolitical machinations in the Middle East. Right after the Lockerbie disaster, president-elect Bush grandiloquently pledged "to seek hard and punish firmly and decisively those who did this....if we can ever find them." [fn 9]

Bush's bathos was the clear signal that a coverup had already been ordered. According to press accounts, the obstruction of justice was the direct result of an agreement between Bush and Thatcher, each of whom had received intelligence reports targetting Iran and possibly other parties. Thatcher's argument was reportedly that the investigations had to be "low-keyed" (in Thatcher's phrase) because it would be impossible to retaliate against either Iran or Syria. Yet, here was a genuine act of war against the United States that had resulted in the deaths of scores of innocent American citizens. Eighteen months later Bush would commit about a third of total American military forces to punishing an invasion which harmed neither the lives nor the property of Americans. But Hafez Assad had been repeatedly endorsed in public by Bush's old mentor Henry Kissinger, and Bush's own number two man at the State Department, the elephantine Lawrence Eagleburger, had even praised the Syrian occupation of Lebanon on March 20, 1989. Later on, Bush would have his own public fling with Hafez Assad, a valued ally in the Gulf adventure.

On November 22, 1989, Bush answered a plea for justice from the families of the victims with transparent rationalizations about the need to investigate thoroughly and methodically. Then Bush added revealingly:

Regarding Iran, as I have said before, we are working to draw that country back into the community of nations from which it has excluded itself for the last decade. This is a gradual and deliberate policy. However, it can only be completed when Iran changes its behavior by securing the release of US hostages and ending its support for terrorism. [fn 10]

All of which is Bushspeak for a coverup. But for our purposes here the main point is that the November, 1991 decision by the Bushmen to pin the blame of Libya and Qaddafi is a cynical strategem. The stage is now set for Bush to launch new bombing raids against Libya at any time. This time, in contrast to the 1986 air raids, Bush's friend Tonton Mitterrand might allow the raiders to use French airspace, something that was granted to B-52s based in Britain during the Gulf war. So Bush could flatten Libya at will, although this by itself will hardly save Wall Street or reverse the steady erosion of Bush's domestic political support. Were Bush to order an occupation of the interior of Libya, this beau geste would entail the risk of guerilla warfare on the part of the fierce Senussi. But perhaps the Anglo-Americans now consider themselves invincible in the desert, and wish to use Libya as a pilot project for their scheme of re-establishing colonialism in the third world, perhaps under the cover of new United Nations trusteeship territories administered by London and Washington using the fig-leaf of the Trusteeship Council. This would delight the City of London, and might keep oil cheap, but it does not seem likely to capture the imagination of millions of unemployed workers. Still, an assault on Libya might be on the agenda as part of an October surprise crescendo, or perhaps as a quick fix to stave off George's final Hooverization.

It should be carefully noted that Anglo-American aggression in the name of the New World Order is in no way an epiphenomenon of George Bush's personal political desperation. To understand the interaction between Bush's will to power and the broader imperatives of the Anglo-American finance establishment, a comparison to Nazi Germany is unavoidable. Like German finance of the 1930's, Anglo-American finance today revolves around a mass of paper promissory notes in the form of stocks, bonds, mortgages, debentures, plus public, corporate, and consumer debt, and the open-ended obligations of such agencies as the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation and the Pension Benefit Guarantee Corporation. In 1989, the paper promises to pay amounted to some $24 thousand billion dollars for the US alone. Anglo-American finance is therefore bankrupt.

German finance in the mid-1930's was similarly bankrupt. After some initial economic measures for the stabilization of the Nazi regime had been implemented, the only available means of shoring up the German financial structure was through the cannibalization and looting of the labor force, industrial equipment, infrastructure, and raw materials of the neighboring countries. The brutal plundering of the economic potential of Austria, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Denmark, Belgium, Holland, France, Yugoslavia, Romania, Bulgaria, Greece, and large parts of the Soviet Union was designed to appropriate the national wealth of these states as a de facto subsidy to the German Mark in the same way that the oil price arrangements associated with Operation Desert Storm or the continental free market of the North American Free Trade Agreements are designed to subsidize the US dollar. The scientific term for such appropriation is primitive accumulation. Thus, the aggressive adventures of the Bush family protege Adolf Hitler were a product of the complex interplay between the primitive accumulation requirements of the German banking and insurance system on the one hand, and the political-demagogic needs of the Nazi dictatorship on the other. The overriding imperative was to extend the sphere of primitive accumulation as far and as fast as possible. That proved possible until the eastern front developments of 1942-43. When outward expansion was halted, and even more so when the sphere of primitive accumulation contracted under outside military pressure, the pressure for more and more intensive primitive accumulation became overwhelming. The typical austerity of this system was the concentration camp, where the flesh and bones of the inmates was sapped over a period of weeks or months at the most to provide grist for the mill of the intrinsically insolvent banking system.

The Anglo-American sphere of primitive accumulation is already implicitly world-wide; apart from the further penetration of the territories of the former USSR under the banner of the Jeffrey Sachs plan, there are no worlds left to conquer for London and New York. Everything therefore depends on increasing the intensity of primitive accumulation within the existing sphere. Sovereign governments are therefore to be weakened and overthrown, since their institutions and inherent powers might provide some shelter against looting pressure; this is what Bush means when he calls for "world-wide free trade." Important regional powers must be subjected to ritual immolation within the same logic, while payments are extorted from Japan, the European Community, the Asian tigers, and others. During these operations, importaqnt concentrations of oil and other strategic raw materials can be brought under control. This is the thrust of the Thornburgh doctrine. This is the essence of the New World Order and Pax Americana.

The Anglo-Americans are also impelled towards destabilizations, coups, and military actions in order to prevent the emergence of alternatives to their world system. The greatest such challenge would be the emergence of an economic development bloc comprehending Germany, eastern Europe, and the sovereign states like Russia and Ukraine, and others asserting their independence amidst the wreckage of the former Soviet Union. In this sense the overwhelming victory of the pro-independence option in the Ukrainian referendum at the end of November, 1991, was a crushing personal defeat for the Bush of the infamous August "Kiev chicken" speech. Bush had attempted to support Gorbachov until the bitter end, and the reduction of the Gorbachov Kremlin to minor bureau of the Russian Republic was a further humiliation for Bush, who just two years before, on the eve of the Malta summit, had professed himself Gorbachov's leading supporter. As long as even the semblance of Gorbachov remained, Bush had done everything possible to maintain the illusion of a Soviet Presidency, in somewhat the same way as the Allies had kept the Ottoman Sultan operating as a puppet out of comfortable quarters in occupied Constantinople for some years after the Ottoman Empire had become defunct, having been superceded by Ataturk's republic in Anatolia. Once even the wraith of Gorbachov had vanished, it was predictable that Bush would attempt to implement some version of Anglo-American "balance of power" upon the newly variegated map of Eurasia. An evil and destructive intent might remain as the only constant.

conclusion missing

{Editor's Note: While this chapter, thought to be void, ending with conclusion missing, may hold more relevance than thought in the past 8 years.....With JUNIOR running for president...this second term may be closer than we think. JUNIOR has been groomed, trained, and programmed as a clone of the old man.}

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1. New York Times, April 17, 1991.

2. New York Times, May 15, 1976.

3. New York Times, October 27, 1977.

4. See articles by Fox Butterfield and Mary B.W. Tabor, New York Times,> April 15 and April 17, 1991.

5. Robert Morris, "Behind the October Surprise," Village Voice, May 21, 1991, p. 32.

6. "Fed Again Lowers Key Interest Rates," Washington Post, November 7, 1991.

7. See Michael Mandelbaum (ed.), The Rise of Nations in the Soviet Union> (New York: Council on Foreign Relations, 1991).

8. "Pan Am 103: Covering Up for Hafez Assad," in American Leviathan> (Wiesbaden: EIR, 1990), pp. 103-123.

9. International Herald Tribune, December 30, 1988.

10. Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta, "Bush Makes Excuses for Iran," Washington Post, January 23, 1990.

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